How can the West expect revitalization from a government frozen in time? Before we look at the future, we have to look at the past. Here’s a fun fact: Last month, Palestinian Authority head Mahmoud Abbas marked the 19th anniversary of his four-year term in office.
Let that sink in.
The 88-year-old was elected president of the PA in January 2005, shortly after the death of his predecessor, Yasser Arafat. That was the last time the Palestinians held a presidential election.
A subsequent presidential election scheduled for January 2009 was canceled due to the power struggle between Abbas’s ruling Fatah faction and the Iran-backed Hamas terrorist group. This ongoing dispute between the two groups began back in 2006 when Hamas won a majority of seats on the Palestinian Legislative Council.
The contention between the rival Palestinian parties reached its peak during the summer of 2007 when Hamas seized full control of the Gaza Strip in a violent and bloody coup. As a result of the Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip, the Palestinians have also been unable to hold parliamentary elections since then.
PA HEAD Mahmoud Abbas attends the Arab League summit in Algeria, earlier this month. This conflict will end only when the Palestinians are forced to accept that the battle to destroy Israel is over, says the writer (credit: Algerian Presidency /Handout via REUTERS)
It has been 18 years.
It’s been 18 years since elections
In 2021, Abbas finally agreed to hold general elections, likely as a result of European and US pressure on the Palestinian leadership. The Europeans and Americans were hoping that new elections would mark the beginning of a process to reform the PA and pave the way for the emergence of new and younger leaders. Their hopes, however, were dashed when Abbas, in late April 2021, decided to call off the long overdue elections. Many Palestinians were not surprised by Abbas’s move. In fact, they had predicted that the Palestinian president would eventually cancel the vote out of fear of losing to Hamas.
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The Fatah faction was (and remains) deeply divided, especially after some candidates announced their intention to run in independent slots. The Fatah infighting meant that Hamas was certain to score another victory in the parliamentary election, just as they did in 2006.
The Palestinian leadership’s failure to hold general elections for the past two decades is an indication of its failure to comply with pressure from Western donors to embark on major political, financial, and administrative reforms. In other words, it’s a solid indication of the PA’s incapability to evolve.
It is true that the PA under Abbas is considered less corrupt than during the Arafat era, mainly due to Western demands for increased accountability and transparency. But like Arafat, Abbas has also ruled as an autocrat and refused to share power with others.
In 2018, Abbas went as far as dissolving the Palestinian Legislative Council, turning himself into the chief Palestinian lawmaker, issuing hundreds of “presidential decrees” that effectively served as laws. Moreover, he has displayed zero tolerance towards political rivals and critics, punishing them readily by cutting off their salaries or firing them entirely. He has expelled a number of Fatah leaders who dared to challenge his leadership, including former security commander Mohammed Dahlan and Nasser Al-Kidwa, a nephew of Arafat’s who previously served as foreign minister.
Indeed, some of the PA’s biggest supporters may be surprised to learn that Abbas himself imposed economic sanctions on the Gaza Strip in 2018, in a (failed) bid to undermine Hamas.
Over the past few weeks, President Joe Biden, Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and other senior US administration officials have been touting the idea of handing the Gaza Strip over to the PA after Hamas is removed from power. The Biden administration, nonetheless, has acknowledged that the PA, in its current structure, cannot be entrusted with managing the affairs of the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. As such, they are talking about the need for a “revitalized” PA.
But what exactly does that mean?
If the Americans are expecting the Palestinians to hold general elections in the upcoming weeks or months, they will be sorely disappointed. If they believe that Abbas and his team in Ramallah are going to wake up one morning and make a 180-degree turn and introduce real changes to Palestinian governing bodies, they are gravely mistaken. Abbas wants to maintain a tight grip on the PA, and he is well aware that democratic, economic, and administrative reforms would undermine his standing and empower his political rivals and opponents.
Furthermore, Abbas is also aware of the public opinion polls that have consistently shown that 70-80% of Palestinians demand his resignation. It is also unrealistic to expect the PA president to get rid of a slew of corrupt officials, some of whom belong to his inner circle. Such a move would undoubtedly spark a revolt against him by many Fatah loyalists.
At best, Abbas could initiate cosmetic changes, such as appointing a new prime minister or reshuffling the Palestinian cabinet. The question is whether such measures would satisfy the Biden administration.
It should go without saying that a “revitalized” PA must not merely include holding general elections and getting rid of incompetent and corrupt officials. This is not enough to enable it to successfully rule the Gaza Strip. Rather, the focus should be on ending anti-Israel incitement as well as poisonous education and the glorification of terrorism.
In this regard, the Palestinian leadership could learn a great deal from the United Arab Emirates, a country with visionaries for leaders who, from day one, took it upon themselves to promote tolerance, coexistence, and inclusion. Today, the UAE, under the leadership of Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, is regarded as a symbol of moderate, forward-looking Arabs and Muslims who are deeply invested in promoting peace and securing a better future for the benefit of all.
That’s why those who are calling for a revamped PA would be advised to invite the UAE to play a bigger role in leading efforts to bring peace and stability to the Middle East.
The UAE’s policies and measures since the signing of the Abraham Accords in 2020 have shown that peace between Jews and Arabs is not only possible but celebrated.
Who would have thought that Jews would be able to walk around freely in an Arab country without having to conceal their identity? Who would have believed that the day would come when Jews would be publicly celebrating Hanukkah, with a Hanukkiah proudly displayed on the streets of Abu Dhabi and Dubai? Would it have occurred to anyone that Jews and Arabs could gather around the table to enjoy a Shabbat meal together? Or stand side by side on Holocaust Memorial Day, honoring each other’s pain?
Sadly, the Palestinian leaders are nowhere near to following in the footsteps of the UAE leadership, or for that matter, any form of acceptance for coexistence alongside the Jewish State.
The PA does not require revitalization, it requires a deep revision of Palestinian priorities.
The writer served in the Foreign Ministry and is a former senior adviser to Israel’s ambassador in the UAE. She is a specialist on the Abraham Accords and a strategy and communications consultant on the MENA region.
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