A Beautiful China – Three – An Era of Change Is Upon Us
Xu Zhiyong, translated by Yaxue Cao, February 20, 2024
Note From the Editor
Born in 1973, Dr. Xu Zhiyong (许志永) is a legal scholar, pioneer of China’s rights defense movement, and a founder of the New Citizens Movement. On April 10, 2023, he was sentenced to 14 years in prison on charges of “subverting state power.” Before this, he had served a separate prison term from 2013 to 2017 for his Citizens Movement activities during Xi Jinping’s first wave of crackdowns on civil society after coming to power in late 2012. Between the two prison stints from 2017 to the end of 2019, Dr. Xu wrote A Beautiful China (《美好中国》), a collection of 24 essays. It is a review of his journey and that of his generation’s struggle for a better China in what often appeared to be a hopeful era of rapid economic development and political awakening; it is also a vision for a China free of the totalitarian yoke. Dr. Xu Zhiyong’s imprisonment is a textbook example of how the paranoid Communist leadership deploys its rubber-stamp judiciary to imprison China’s brightest and bravest. Dr. Xu has since early this year been sent to Lunan Prison (鲁南监狱) in Shandong province to serve the remaining 10 years of his sentence – if the communist regime in China will sustain that long. Late last year, from the detention center in Linyi, Shandong, Dr. Xu wrote to China Change via his lawyers to express his wish that A Beautiful China be translated and published on this website. Honoring Dr. Xu’s work and his sacrifices for the sake of his country, today we begin serializing a translation of his 24 essays.
Yaxue Cao
February 12, 2024
Three
An Era of Change Is Upon Us
A Hundred Years in the Wilderness
China’s Reform and Opening Up has been a gradual process of authoritarianism in retreat. The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1978 heralded internal reforms such as rural land contracting and the establishment of economic special zones; externally, it opened China to the world and normalized relations with the United States, signaling a break from the socialist camp.
There was no need for sophisticated designs; merely relaxing the existing controls was enough. In the same year, 18 residents of Xiaogang Village (小岗村) risked their lives and spearheaded the first wave of rural reforms on their own. In the following years, rural reform deepened, effectively privatizing agricultural production by affirming the right to land use.
In May 1984, China initiated urban reforms, loosening centralized control and expanding the autonomy of state-owned enterprises. In October of the same year, the Third Plenary Session of the Twelfth Central Committee of the CCP issued the “Decision on Economic System Reform,” proposing a planned commodity economy (商品经济) based on public ownership.
The trajectory of the past forty years of reform and opening up has seen a transition from a planned economy to a planned commodity economy, and eventually to a socialist market economy. Departing from the standardized version of the so-called “scientific socialism,” the freedom brought about by the relaxation of controls has fueled forty years of economic development. However, due to the persistent constraints of “socialism,” the pace of reform has slowed, and since 2013, there have even been signs of regression in certain areas.
Some leading figures in the Communist Party attempted to chart a development path with Chinese characteristics. Their prescription was a market economy under communist authoritarianism.
However, the nature of authoritarianism remains unchanged. Its instinct is to expand and deepen control, asserting “leadership in everything” and distorting the market through power. Its fundamental ideology is communism, where private property is not secure, and accordingly, private business is constantly on thin ice. Lacking confidence, the regime allocates enormous resources to maintaining stability rather than improving the people’s welfare, leading to increasing social injustice. Hitler’s National Socialism also temporarily boosted economic development, but it ultimately became an obstacle to the German economy. In China, following the old path of merely emulating foreign practices without reforming the political system has come to a dead end.
In 1911, the Xinhai Revolution broke out, and our ancestors solemnly declared the establishment of Asia’s first republic on this ancient land, proclaiming the national ideals of nationalism, civil rights, and people’s livelihood. However, over a century later, the people’s livelihood is still uncertain, the realization of civil rights remains distant; and China, as one of the few remaining major authoritarian powers in the world, still languishes outside the threshold of modern political civilization.
More than a hundred years after the Xinhai Revolution, the average income of Chinese citizens is not even 100th place in global ranking. Tens of millions of people live below the international poverty line. Due to the distorted development of the country, the growth rate of per capita income lags far behind that of GDP, the growth of social welfare significantly trails behind tax revenue. Wealth is concentrated in a small number of privileged individuals. The shortcomings of the authoritarian system become evident as the economy falters and the people find it increasingly difficult to secure their livelihoods.
Today, despite the lofty dreams of inspired individuals and patriots, as well as the passionate cries of the early communists, the rights of freedom, though written into the national constitution, remain an unfulfilled promise.
Do we have the right to vote? They say the people are the masters of the country, but deep down, they still cling to the age-old idea that whoever seizes power rules the land. The Party controls officials, and officials at all levels are not voted in by the people. The National People’s Congress claims to be the highest organ of state power, but in reality, it is just a rubber stamp under the Party’s leadership. So much so that every year, the “Two Sessions” becomes an ultra-sensitive period for the Communist Party dynasty.
Do we have freedom of speech and association? Because of their online expression, tens of thousands of citizens are subjected to “tea sessions,” or police summons. Countless posts and accounts are blocked every day. It is impossible to properly register a truly independent civil organization, let alone form political parties. Citizens publishing books can be charged with crimes such as illegal business operations or even “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” Public assembly, protest, and demonstration is virtually impossible.
Do we have freedom of belief? For advocating their rights, new religions native to China have suffered years of brutal suppression. Christian house churches have faced persecution, churches being demolished, and crosses burned. Many Tibetan and Uyghur citizens have been harassed and sentenced for their beliefs, and Party secretaries or the public security bureau chiefs have assumed the positions of the heads of Buddhist colleges in Tibetan areas.
We are human. Humans not only need food and clothing but also deserve freedom and dignity. Political rights are by no means abstract and are not a luxury. They determine whether a country belongs to the people or to occupiers, whether the people are masters or slaves. Without political rights, authoritarianism is bound to be unbridled, injustice rampant, and morality lost — something truly disheartening.
Many people once hoped that China would gradually move towards democracy and freedom through incremental reforms. Even after 1989, the U.S. government continued to harbor such expectations. Unfortunately, the authoritarian system follows its own destiny. It lacks the motivation and courage to embrace democracy and freedom. Its farewell will not be graceful.
When authoritarianism is unwilling to give in and instead attempts to expand, yet its leaders lack the ability to lead the country back to the era of the Cultural Revolution, a stalemate ensues between authoritarianism and civil society. This is the darkness before dawn. The moment when the sun rises is not far from us.
Tides of Civilization
On June 4, 1989, sadness and despair permeated Tiananmen Square in Beijing. On the same day in Poland, communist rule ended with a free election.
Five months later, on the night of November 9, 1989, thousands of East Germans surged toward the Berlin Wall, and Kurfürstendamm was packed with long lines of cars, with strangers warmly embracing each other. The iron curtain of communist authoritarianism, amidst cheers of the multitudes, crumbled into splinters of history.
Another month passed, on December 21, Romania’s Communist Party General Secretary Nicolae Ceaușescu convened a mass assembly outside the party’s headquarters, and as usual, the crowd erupted in cheers. However, a voice suddenly shouted, “Down with Ceaușescu!” Then the dam of dictatorship broke. The next day, the army sided with the people. The General Secretary and his wife fled by helicopter, but were captured upon landing. On December 25, they were tried and executed.
On December 25, 1991, the Soviet flag emblazoned with the hammer and sickle slowly came down in the cold wind, marking the end of the Soviet empire that spanned the Eurasian continent. However formidable it once appeared, it was a regime that defied human nature, built on violence and lies, and ultimately crumbled into dust.
Thirty years have passed since then. In the river of history, however, this scene has not yet concluded. The monumental shift in history away from communist authoritarianism will reach its climax in the East.
In the 20th century, alongside significant technological progress, numerous countries transitioned from authoritarianism to democracy. This process, of course, was not a straight path. Countries like Russia, Germany, Japan, China, and others had long histories of authoritarian rule, with periods of fascism and communism during their transitions. The Second World War saw the free world, in alliance with the communist bloc, defeating fascism. Subsequently, the free world engaged in over half a century of the Cold War against communist authoritarianism, which concluded with the defeat of the Soviet camp.
The Cold War, centered around the ideological struggle between democracy and authoritarianism, has not completely ended. When China embarked on economic reforms, many countries saw hope in gradual reform leading to democratic freedoms. However, due to the urgency of the threat posed by Islamic extremism after the September 11 terrorist attacks, this Cold War was interrupted. It wasn’t until the end of the Islamic State in 2018 that the Cold War was rekindled.
The progress of civilization is unstoppable. Eastern European countries bid farewell to communism without falling into chaos and turbulence. They have since been sharing the fruits of civilization — governed by democracy and the rule of law, the economies are growing prosperous, and societies free and happy. Along the tortuous path of civilization, humanity has surpassed mere subsistence, moving beyond authoritarianism. The third wave of democratization has just passed, exemplified by the 2011 Jasmine Revolution in the Middle East.
Iraq emerged from Saddam’s tyranny, experiencing rapid economic development. While a nascent democracy faces inevitable challenges, only democracy has the potential to unite a nation of diverse faiths and ethnicities on the foundation of freedom. It takes time for a democracy to mature, but with it in place there is at least hope for the nation. Culture is not an excuse, national circumstances are not an excuse, and no country is isolated — democracy and freedom belong to all of humanity.
In the 20th century, authoritarianism returned to China. However, no amount of setbacks and hardships can alter the overarching direction of historical progress towards market economics and constitutional democracy. After forty years of reform and opening up, the authoritarian system is mired in crisis. Introducing a market economy while rejecting constitutional democracy is akin to walking with only one leg — it cannot go far. Just as the Self-Strengthening Movement (洋务运动) couldn’t save the Qing Dynasty, the reform and opening up cannot save the Communist Party. The tidal wave of constitutional democracy is unstoppable.
China must put an end to authoritarianism, fundamentally change the rules of the political game, and bid farewell to the historical cycle of power transitions marked by centuries of upheavals, turmoil, and violent regime changes. Placing power, as well as the succession of power within the bounds of the rule of law, is the cardinal lesson from China’s millennia of tumultuous cycles.
From the private realm to the public realm, from imperial power to people’s rights, we are witnessing an unprecedented transformation of a scale that has not occurred in three thousand years. But we are not just onlookers; we are active participants. More and more subjects are awakening to become citizens. After more than a century of trials and tribulations, Chinese civilization is on the verge of a brilliant renaissance. Our generation is fortunate to be part of this momentous change.
This ancient civilization will undergo a rebirth. Founded on the cornerstone of constitutionalism, Chinese civilization is about to usher in an unprecedented era of brilliance. With 1.3 billion people brimming with wisdom, technological advances, a flourishing economy, and a vibrant culture, China will lead a new civilization.
The resurgence of authoritarianism in the 20th century will come to an end, marking a glorious chapter in the political and civilizational transformation of humanity over the past eight centuries. As the tides of history surge forward, China will bid farewell to barbaric tyranny and embrace the new era of civilization waiting on the horizon.
The Road to a Democratic Constitutional Government
The Opium War saw the Qing Empire defeated by several thousand British soldiers from afar. Shaken by this humiliation, progressive intellectuals began reflecting on the roots of China’s backwardness. Among them, Wei Yuan (魏源) was a representative figure. He proposed the idea of “learning from the foreigners in order to overcome them,” emphasizing the inherent connection between technological progress and democratic systems. Wei Yuan explained the constitutional monarchy of Britain and the democratic republic system of the United States, giving them high praise. Intellectuals like Wang Tao (王韬) argued that for China to become strong, it must learn from Western political systems.
Following the defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, Kang Youwei (康有为) and others, including over 1,300 provincial certified scholars who came to the capital for the imperial examinations, jointly submitted a memorial advocating for rejecting unequal treaties, relocating the capital for ease of defense, and carrying out reforms to strengthen the country. They proposed comprehensive reforms: economic development through commerce; political reforms with the establishment of a national assembly of representatives, constitutional monarchy; legal reforms adopting laws from countries like Britain, the United States, Japan, and Germany; and cultural and educational reforms by abolishing the writing exams based on the stilted “eight-legged essay,” and establishment of modern schools.
Emperor Guangxu embraced new ideas and sought reform, but his efforts ended in failure. The conservative forces led by Empress Dowager Cixi were too powerful, and reform-minded intellectuals were overly idealistic. Their advocated reforms were somewhat too radical and did not adequately consider the realities at the time. Looking back a hundred years later, China had never had a chance for a constitutional monarchy, given that the Qing Dynasty was the rule of an ethnic minority group over the vast Han majority.
The Xinhai Revolution expressed the ancient nation’s dream of modernization, and the Republic did witness the dawn of modern civilization. However, after the revolution, societal upheaval and disorder ensued, foreign invasions occurred, and internal and external troubles abounded. Ultimately, authoritarianism prevailed in the name of communism, marking a resurgence of two thousand years of despotism in China.
With the end of the Cultural Revolution, the ideas of freedom and democracy began to sprout anew. In 1977, a large number of big-character posters suddenly appeared across the country, marking the emergence of public political expression. After the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee in 1978, political gatherings demanding democratic reforms started to appear in major cities like Beijing and Shanghai, leading to spontaneous associations and a great number of privately published periodicals.
The “Xidan Democracy Wall” became a symbol of this period. Wei Jingsheng (魏京生) and Xu Wenli (徐文立) were prominent representatives advocating democratic ideas. On December 5, 1978, Wei called for the “Fifth Modernization” on the Democracy Wall, that is, the addition of democracy to the four modernizations of industry, agriculture, science and technology, and national defense rolled out by the CCP. In 1979, after Deng Xiaoping consolidated power, the budding democracy was suppressed, and Wei Jingsheng, Liu Qing (刘青), Xu Wenli, and others were sentenced to heavy prison terms.
In 1980, China held the elections for representatives in the local People’s Congresses at the district and county levels. Many enthusiastic participants emerged from various universities, including individuals like Hu Ping (胡平) and Wang Juntao (王军涛), who were already active participants in the “Democracy Wall” movement. There were ongoing efforts by some to use the People’s Congress representative elections as an opportunity to explore the path of democracy within the existing system. Although breaking through the system through this avenue was unlikely, such participation served as a training ground for democratic forces.
The 1989 Tiananmen Square protests saw millions of participants and many deaths. The brutal crackdown reinforced fear and consolidated authoritarian rule. As a result, a whole generation distanced itself from politics for many years.
There were multiple reasons for the failure of the 1989 movement. Within China, the forces of authoritarianism remained strong, and the winds of reform had not thawed the frozen wastes of totalitarianism. Fear still pervaded society. Democratic forces were not well-established, and there was a lack of respected political figures and organizations in civil society. In terms of action strategy, it lacked rational planning and careful consideration of different options. In the international context, the Cold War had not yet ended, and China’s authoritarian regime had fellow travelers.
It wasn’t until 1998 when opposition forces reorganized, symbolized by the “China Democracy Party.” In June of that year, Wang Youcai (王有才) and others openly applied to the Zhejiang Provincial Civil Affairs Department to establish the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee for the China Democracy Party (中国民主党浙江筹备委员会). Activists from Shandong, Hunan, Hubei, Beijing, and other regions responded by applying to establish local branches of the CDP. The application to form the party was in full compliance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as the Chinese Constitution. However, the authorities sentenced participants Wang Youcai, Xu Wenli, Qin Yongmin (秦永敏), Zha Jianguo (查建国), and others to heavy prison terms.
The authoritarian regime in China is well-acquainted with any visible political organizations, names, and manifestos from civil society, and it has long set legal traps for them. Under the current circumstances, expecting a visible political party to break through the authoritarian system is unrealistic. The social influence of democratic activists was not sufficient to generate effective pressure on the authorities, and when they were arrested and imprisoned, there was little response from the outside world. Nevertheless, all sacrifices have value, and the unwavering struggle of generations before us is a precious spiritual asset for the cause of democracy in China.
In 2008, on the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Zhang Zuhua (张祖桦) drafted and Liu Xiaobo (刘晓波), among others, revised the Charter 08. A total of 303 Chinese nationals from all walks of life signed the Charter. The charter expounded on six major concepts: freedom, human rights, equality, republicanism, democracy, and constitutionalism. It put forward 19 propositions, including constitutional amendments, checks and balances, democratic legislation, judicial independence, safeguarding citizens’ freedom and rights, and federalism. As of June 2011, more than 13,000 individuals had signed the Charter.
The “08 Charter” openly presented an institutional framework for a future democratic China, embodying broad consensus. Mr. Li was arrested as a result. On December 25, 2009, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison for inciting subversion of state power. In 2010, Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. On July 13, 2017, just two days before my release from prison, Liu Xiaobo passed away in custody. Since 1989, China had been without freedom for over two decades, and he has become a symbol of that generation of Chinese democracy advocates and their ordeals.
For over a century, the road to democratic constitutionalism in China has been marked by twists and turns. If we focus solely on traditional political opposition movements, what we see is numerous dedicated individuals pushing on along a path almost devoid of prospects. However, if we shift our gaze to the progress of the entire society and the growth of civil society, we see new hopes.
In 2003, the system of custody and repatriation was abolished, marking the beginning of the rights defense movement in China. More submissive subjects are awakening to become citizens, taking their identity, rights, and responsibilities seriously. Starting with demands for specific rights, they are working to change specific rules, growing civil society in the process.
We are striving to forge a new path.
Chinese original: 许志永《美好中国》之三：变革时代
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