There have been very few moments for Israelis to feel proud of their leadership in the nearly 12 months since the October 7 massacre – a situation that no horror movie director could have ever imagined.
We were slaughtered.
We were raped.
We were humiliated.
We were tortured, physically, and emotionally.
We’re now approaching the point of developing PTSD from a trauma that still hasn’t healed.
There was chaos on October 7, and in the many days that followed. Israelis, as well as diaspora Jews, were yearning for someone to be a parental figure. Someone who would say, “You are hurting, but I’m with you,” or “It will be okay at the end of this war.” Surprisingly, it wasn’t an Israeli leader who uplifted Israelis; it was actually an American president.
“I come to Israel with a single message: You are not alone. You are not alone,” President Joe Biden said on October 17. He continued, “We are all human beings created in the image of God with dignity, humanity, and purpose. In the darkness, to be the light unto the world is what we’re about. You inspire hope and light for so many around the world. That’s what the terrorists seek to destroy…because they live in darkness – but not you, not Israel.”
Biden moved Israelis. Many cried. Others were left with goosebumps – finally, a voice of reason. Biden took the spotlight when he recounted his well-known meeting with the late Israeli prime minister Golda Meir: “Don’t worry, Senator [Biden],” she whispered to him. “We Israelis have a secret weapon: We have nowhere else to go.”
Waiting for Benjamin Netanyahu to take responsibility
Only 22 days after the October 7 massacre, Netanyahu appeared to answer journalists’ questions in a press conference. Even then, he refused to take any responsibility for the catastrophe that had unfolded three weeks earlier: Over 1,000 people were killed, and hundreds were kidnapped by a ruthless terror organization, including elderly men and women, children, and young soldiers.
The journalists, as well as many Israelis, expected Netanyahu to take responsibility for these failures – but they quickly understood that was not what he intended to say.
“Contrary to the false claims, at no point and in no situation was Prime Minister Netanyahu warned of Hamas’s war intentions,” read a post published at 1:10 a.m. on Netanyahu’s X/Twitter account and Telegram, hours after the press conference.
The prime minister specifically mentioned the heads of the intelligence organizations, stating: “On the contrary, all security officials, including the heads of Military Intelligence and Shin Bet, assessed that Hamas was deterred and inclined towards a settlement. This was the assessment repeatedly presented to the Prime Minister and the Cabinet by all security and intelligence officials, including up to the outbreak of the war.”
Netanyahu, being Netanyahu, attacked the heads of the security forces – those under his command – instead of admitting that he, too, might bear some responsibility, as any brave leader would.
While speaking in the US Congress in July, Netanyahu spoke like a true leader, though still avoiding responsibility. At least he was trying to promote unity, resilience, and hope. “The men and women of the IDF come from every corner of Israeli society, every ethnicity, every color, every creed left and right, religious and secular. All are imbued with the indomitable spirit of the Maccabees, the legendary Jewish warriors of antiquity.”
He brought soldiers, released hostages, and heroes of October 7 to Washington on his refurbished Israeli Air Force One. He spoke of Ethiopian Israelis, injured officers, Druze and Bedouins, religious and non-religious. For the first time in many years, Netanyahu was not just speaking of unity – he was promoting it. The only problem was that this was happening far away, in the US, in English. It wasn’t in Hebrew, and it wasn’t at home – even though his main goal was to speak to Israelis who opposed him.
Netanyahu has since refused to grant any interviews to Israeli media, except for one outlet: his fanbase at Channel 14 News. However, he’s given numerous interviews to international media, mainly American outlets, and even podcasts. This strategy is clear: Most journalists who aren’t Israeli won’t ask the tough, ‘inside baseball’ questions. The Jerusalem Post has tried to interview the prime minister so that our tens of millions of readers in Israel and worldwide can understand his perspective on the current tragic situation. But Netanyahu prefers it easy, either with conservative media or large outlets, where he can criticize them later and gain more support in his natural voter base.
Questions Netanyahu has avoided
American officials claim that a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah is imminent, yet Netanyahu insists he’s not easily pressured. It’s hard to understand this government – one step forward, two steps back.
Do you sleep at night? Would you have pursued the judicial reform if you had foreseen the backlash?
Does accepting responsibility equate to admitting guilt?
Why do you refuse to engage with Israeli media, choosing instead to communicate with Israelis only through your speeches abroad? When speaking overseas, you are clear, sharp, and resolute, embodying a strong Zionist spirit. Yet, these messages are hardly heard back home.
You frequently speak about the need for national unity, but polarization only deepens. How can you, as prime minister, change this situation?
What steps is your government taking, especially during this year of war, to foster unity and create a shared sense of purpose between the home front and those on the battlefield?
What would you have done differently in your leadership over the past two years?
To what extent does the fear of ending the war and losing the upcoming elections influence your decisions? How much does this fear shape your choices? Do you actually want the hostages to return?
What is your take on the Hostage Family Forum? Do you agree with claims that they are just a continuation of the anti-judicial-reform protests?
How can a prime minister function effectively when he doesn’t trust his own defense minister and faces constant opposition from ministers briefing against him, such as Itamar Ben-Gvir?
Finally, my friends and family have all invested months—and many, also their lives—to protect our nation. Do you genuinely believe that the ultra-Orthodox should not be required to enlist?
How Netanyahu has transformed
So, is Netanyahu influential? Definitely. He’s the longest-serving Israeli prime minister. But is he using his power appropriately? Many, if not most, Israelis at some point this past year agreed that he needs to step down, whether after the war or during it. Most agree that he should be taking responsibility, as should others. But let’s be clear – it can never be one person’s fault or mistake. Many people are to blame for what has happened in the past year. Too many. However, regardless of who they are, the ones at the top should always take the blame, as leaders should do.
In a way, Netanyahu – one of the smartest and most capable leaders we’ve ever had – has become like the elder rabbi of the haredi (ultra-Orthodox) communities in Israel. They are usually over the age of 80 or even 90, unable to see the full picture of what is going on because they aren’t reading newspapers or listening to the radio. They know only what their advisors decide to tell them, fed information through particular perspectives or prisms. The problem is, as in the haredi communities, until these figures either step down or pass away, no new leader is considered capable of the role.
But it is time for Netanyahu to finally allow new leadership to emerge, whether from his party or others. As Golda Meir said, our secret weapon is that we have nowhere else to go.
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