Micha Kobi, a former senior member of the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), emphasized the enormous challenges Israel faces in dealing with Hamas and the return of the hostages in an interview on Sunday with Maariv.
Micha Kobi is a former senior member of the Shin Bet and Yahya Sinwar‘s interrogator from his time in Israeli prison.
“The main headquarters of Hamas is no longer operational, but nevertheless – there are other guerilla fighters who are fighting throughout the region on behalf of the organization, within the framework of local and even neighborhood headquarters of Hamas. Today, no one in all of Hamas knows exactly where all the hostages are being held.”
Kobi continued, adding: “Someone may be aware of the location of one or two, but I don’t think there is anyone who is aware of the location of all of them.”
According to him, Hamas is not interested in releasing the hostages, and there is no one to communicate with: “There is no such thing as a deal – this is blackmail. They are mercilessly blackmailing the state.”
Kobi offered a creative solution for finding information about the hostages: “We need to pay money to those who return the hostages. After Sinwar was eliminated, they talked about this idea – but it was not carried out. We need to go in the direction of intelligence operations and turn to families who know something so that they bring information about the hostages in exchange for money.”
He highlighted that Hamas operates from a ruthless position of power and is not willing to cooperate or reveal details about the condition of the hostages.
Hamas has total control over humanitarian aid
According to Kobi, Hamas absolutely controls the humanitarian aid that is transferred to the Gaza Strip, which makes the residents dependent on the organization.
“As soon as a humanitarian truck with food enters, Hamas takes control of it, takes all the equipment, and sells it to the residents of Gaza for black money. It reaches a situation where a single cigarette costs NIS 200.”
Kobi believes humanitarian aid should be taken over and distributed directly to the residents: “Once we do this, the residents will be less dependent on Hamas.”
Kobi explains that the mechanisms of the Interior and Health Ministry in Gaza are still part of the Hamas organization, and the population depends on them.
“During the distribution of food, Hamas members even beat and kill residents who try to take food,” he describes. “This situation makes it difficult for the residents to find alternatives to live free and independent from the organization.”
One of Kobi’s proposals is to establish a military government in Gaza to eradicate terrorism: “We need to establish units on behalf of the IDF and Shin Bet, which will take care of the local administration, and appoint Gazan education and health personnel – who are not affiliated with Hamas. We killed 90 percent of Hamas members, but we must make sure that nothing remains, except for their idea as a political party, without the ability to implement it.”
The importance of the Philadelphia corridor comes up repeatedly in Kobe’s analysis. According to him, Hamas continues to use this corridor to smuggle money and weapons that strengthen its fighting capacity. “They will do everything to continue smuggling, so we must continue to control the corridor and monitor their movement. Otherwise, they will once again gather a lot of power and weapons against us,” he says.
Kobi concluded his situation assessment: “If we work properly, within a year or two, we can eliminate all of Hamas.”
According to him, the war does not prevent Gazans from supporting Hamas, mainly due to economic hardships and lack of sources of livelihood.
“Hamas controls the humanitarian equipment, and this strengthens the residents’ dependence on them,” he adds, explaining that the way to win the fight is to cut off the economic and humanitarian power of Hamas – and return direct control to the local population.
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