Iran is employing advanced technologies such as drones, facial recognition systems, and a citizen-reporting app to enforce its strict hijab laws, a United Nations report published on Friday revealed.
The report, compiled by the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Iran, highlighted severe human rights violations by Iranian authorities following widespread protests triggered by the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in regime custody in September 2022. It comes following two years of investigation, which included interviewing some 285 victims and witnesses and analyzing over 38,000 articles of evidence.
Amini was detained by the so-called “morality police” for allegedly failing to adhere to the country’s hijab regulations. The protests, among the most significant acts of resistance since the fall of the Shah, ignited nationwide demonstrations that quickly evolved into a broader movement against the government’s oppressive policies, particularly its restrictions on women’s rights and freedoms. The rallying cry of the protests became “Woman, Life, Freedom,” symbolizing the demand for gender equality and personal liberty.
Human rights groups stated that at least 500 people were killed during the protests – whereas state media reported that the number was closer to 200- with almost 20,000 arrested.
“In suppressing the 2022 nationwide protests, Iranian authorities committed grave human rights violations, some of which we found to constitute crimes against humanity,” stated Sara Hossain, Chair of the Fact-Finding Mission.
“We received numerous distressing testimonies of severe physical and psychological abuse, as well as widespread violations of fair trial and due process rights, including cases involving children as young as seven,” Hossain added.
Since April 2024, the Iranian government has intensified its crackdown on women who resist the mandatory hijab law through the implementation of the Noor Plan.” The report asserted that women human rights defenders and activists have faced criminal penalties, including fines, lengthy prison terms, and, in some instances, the death penalty for peacefully advocating for human rights.
Speaking in Geneva at a Human Rights Council session, Hossain emphasized that ethnic and religious minorities in Iran were “specifically targeted during the protests,” with some of the most severe abuses occurring in minority-dominated regions that were epicenters of the demonstrations. Testimonies collected both within and outside Iran and shared with the Iranian government detailed instances where men, women, and children were detained “at gunpoint” and subjected to psychological torture, such as having nooses placed around their necks.
The Fact-Finding Mission, composed of senior human rights experts acting independently, noted that these measures contradict pre-election promises made by Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian to relax the strict enforcement of hijab laws. Instead, the government has increasingly relied on technology, surveillance, and state-backed vigilantism to maintain control. The Noor Plan is a perfect example of showing how the regime has transitioned from physical enforcement, with its use of the morality police, to digital surveillance to crack down on resentment and protestation.
The Iranian government’s increasing reliance on technological programs, such as AI, facial recognition, and digital policing, also closely mirrors China’s mass surveillance state, particularly its use of advanced technology to suppress minorities, such as the Uyghurs, in the province of Xinjiang.
In China, the government employs such methods to control the Muslim Uyghur population, effectively creating a hi-tech police state. Iran is now adopting a similar model, expanding digital monitoring into everyday life. In recent years, Tehran and Beijing have deepened their technological cooperation, with Iran likely importing Chinese surveillance tools and AI capabilities to strengthen its domestic repression.
The key difference, however, is that while China disguises its actions under the pretense of counterterrorism, Iran is explicitly using these technologies to police religious behavior and enforce gender discrimination.
In China, the government employs facial recognition cameras, AI-driven predictive policing, and social credit systems to control the Uyghur population, effectively creating a high-tech police state. Iran is now adopting a similar model, expanding digital monitoring into everyday life.
In recent years, Tehran and Beijing have deepened their technological cooperation, with Iran likely importing Chinese surveillance tools and AI capabilities to strengthen its domestic repression. The key difference, however, is that while China disguises its actions under the pretense of counterterrorism, Iran is explicitly using these technologies to police religious behavior and enforce gender apartheid.
Shaheen Sardar Ali of the Independent Mission explained, “Online surveillance has become a key tool for state repression. For example, Instagram accounts have been shut down, and SIM cards, particularly those belonging to human rights defenders, including women activists, have been confiscated.” Ali also highlighted the use of the “Nazer” app, which allows vetted citizens to report individuals seen without the mandatory hijab. “This technology,” she said, “is highly invasive and extends the reach of state surveillance significantly.”
The report further states that 10 men have been executed in connection with the 2022 protests, while at least 11 men and three women remain at risk of execution. The Mission expressed serious concerns about the lack of fair trials, including the use of confessions obtained through torture and other due process violations.
The findings of the Fact-Finding Mission will be presented to member states at the Human Rights Council next Tuesday. Established by the Council in November 2022, the Mission was mandated to investigate alleged human rights violations in Iran linked to the protests that began in September of that year, with a particular focus on women and children. It was also tasked with gathering, analyzing, and preserving evidence of these violations to support potential legal proceedings.
Iran’s hijab laws and domestic strife
In December, the Iranian parliament (Majles) approved the latest “Hijab and chastity bill.” The bill mandates the wearing of a hijab for all women in public and online forums for girls as young as 12.
Following the 2022 “Amini protests”, a survey revealed that 93% of women opposed the imposition of the hijab. Additionally, approximately 40%-45% of women in the country no longer adhere to the mandatory hijab law. This widespread defiance poses a significant challenge to the regime, as the hijab is seen not merely as a religious symbol but as a tool of control over the population.
Authoritarian regimes often enforce strict clothing laws to assert dominance over both the physical and ideological autonomy of their citizens. The Iranian government’s inability to tolerate non-compliance with hijab laws underscores its reliance on such measures to maintain authority.
In response to the protests, the Iranian government implemented severe measures to suppress dissent, including internet blackouts, restrictions on social media, and the use of tear gas and live ammunition against demonstrators. By the spring of 2023, the protests had largely diminished, but the regime retained firm control over the country.
A more recent survey conducted last year in Iran indicated a significant shift in society’s attitudes, particularly among the youth. Nearly 40% of young Iranians expressed no belief in God and rejected the concept of an Islamist state.
This growing secularization and disillusionment with theocratic rule highlight a broader rejection of the ideals that underpinned the Islamic Revolution over 45 years ago.
The decline in religious beliefs and the desire among young Iranians for modernization also reflect a broader trend in the Muslim world, as seen in countries like Saudi Arabia, where Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has pursued policies to modernize the nation and move away from strict Islamic mandates.
There are also economic and religious factors in the growing dissent among Iranians domestically. The streets of Tehran are rife with unhappiness as the regime faces growing dissent. Ordinary workers are deeply unhappy with the ruling regime due to financial costs. This battle is not just about hijabs but a larger crisis of legitimacy for the regime.
Khamenei’s ongoing propaganda and desire to place himself as the protector of the Muslim people does not impress ordinary Iranians, and the continued support of proxy groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas in their wars against Israel has led people in Iran to view the regime’s priorities as askew – prioritizing supporting former president of Syria Bashar al-Assad to the tune of $50 billion for example – instead of improving the lives of the Iranian people.
The regime’s failure to address these critical issues, such as economic instability, high inflation rates exceeding 40%, and widespread shortages of essential resources – like electricity, natural gas, gasoline, and water – as well as the hijab issue, has further eroded public trust.
These challenges are continuously contributing to a sense of dissatisfaction and hardship among the population, undermining the regime’s legitimacy more than 45 years after the revolution.
Despite its efforts to maintain control, the government’s inability to resolve these systemic problems has led to widespread disillusionment, particularly among younger generations who no longer see the Islamic Republic as a viable or desirable model of governance.
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