Rep. Riley Moore, R-W.Va., has introduced the “Stop CCP VISAs Act,” a bill aimed at preventing all Chinese nationals from obtaining student visas. Moore argues that this legislation is necessary to stop the Chinese Communist Party from exploiting U.S. visa programs “to spy on our military, steal our intellectual property, and threaten national security.” However, this measure could ultimately have the opposite effect, potentially inflicting more damage on U.S. national security than it prevents.
Moore’s bill stems from legitimate fears that warrant attention. U.S. intelligence agencies have warned about the Chinese government’s potential misuse of visa programs. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) operates under the assumption that all Chinese nationals, regardless of their location or immigration status, remain subjects of the party. This assumption is not only flawed, but it neglects the reality that many Chinese individuals possess agency and a strong desire for self-determination. Countless overseas Chinese are courageously standing up against the CCP’s oppressive measures.
For instance, Miles Yu, who served as an adviser to former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, came to the U.S. on a student visa. Pompeo praised Yu’s deep knowledge of the CCP’s inner workings and called Yu “a central part of my team advising me with respect on how to ensure that we protect Americans and secure our freedoms in the face of challenges from the [Chinese Communist Party].” The CCP, feeling threatened by Yu, vilified him in China, even erecting a statue in his hometown where people could spit on it, calling him a “traitor.”
Additionally, in 2023, a group of Chinese students at George Washington University founded an Independent Chinese Student Union to create a platform for expressing political views free from CCP oversight. These examples demonstrate that not all Chinese accept the party’s control.
Moore often points to the case of five former University of Michigan students from China who were charged with spying during a U.S.-Taiwan joint military training in 2023. However, this incident represents a minuscule fraction: less than 0.002 percent of the roughly 280,000 Chinese students in the U.S. at that time. It’s not the American way to impose identity-based collective punishment on an entire group because of a few bad actors. There is no evidence that the majority of Chinese students and researchers in the U.S. are spying on behalf of Beijing.
While some Republicans and commentators argue that Moore’s bill is similar to actions taken by the Trump administration in 2020, which also suspended visas for Chinese nationals, it’s important to recognize a significant distinction between these actions. Unlike Moore’s blanket denial of student visas to all Chinese nationals, the scope of the Trump administration’s student visa suspension was much narrower, only targeting a Chinese graduate student or researcher “who currently is employed by, studies at, or conducts research at or on behalf of, or has been employed by, studied at, or conducted research at or on behalf of, an entity in the PRC that implements or supports the PRC’s ‘military-civil fusion strategy.’”
At the time, U.S. officials acknowledged that “there was no direct evidence of wrongdoing by the students who are about to lose their visas. Instead, suspicions by American officials center on the Chinese universities at which the students trained as undergraduates.”
By the fall of 2020, the Trump administration’s decision had reportedly resulted in the cancellation of about 1,000 student visas for Chinese nationals, representing only about 3 percent of the 317,000 Chinese students studying in the United States that year. At that time, then-Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., a key figure raising awareness about the CCP’s infiltration of American universities, reminded the Trump administration, “This [visa cancellation] must be addressed in a targeted way while rejecting xenophobia. We must remember that China’s government often entraps its own people.”
Now, as secretary of state, Rubio is taking significant steps to differentiate between the CCP and the Chinese populace. An internal memo obtained by Voice of America outlined how Rubio “instructs U.S. embassies and consular posts to use more specific descriptors and avoid ‘Chinese’ as an adjective when its use could imply a negative connotation of the Chinese people, culture or language more broadly.”
As VOA noted, this strategic approach aims to signal that “Washington sees Beijing’s government — not the general public — as the true adversary in this competitive landscape.” Rubio recognizes that fostering positive relationships with the Chinese people can greatly benefit America and strengthen its position in the global competition against the CCP.
Moreover, to effectively compete globally against the CCP, America must focus on cultivating human capital. As Steve Hsu pointed out in The Spectator, nearly half of the leading U.S. researchers in AI hail from China. The remainder of this talent pool comes from diverse international backgrounds, with U.S.-born researchers comprising only a small percentage. The success of AI innovation in the U.S. largely derives from the influx of brilliant minds from abroad. Our free-market economy and rule of law create an environment where these talents — many from China — can thrive.
While Moore’s bill is unlikely to pass, its introduction has already generated significant negative consequences. It risks alienating Asian Americans by perpetuating the misleading narrative that the Republican Party doesn’t like immigrants.
Additionally, Moore’s bill could exacerbate a talent drain, especially in the technology sector, where many Chinese immigrants start their American journey on student visas. By implementing a widespread ban on these visas for all Chinese nationals, the U.S. government risks sending a damaging message to those already living and contributing here: that they are not welcome. The CCP could exploit this narrative to attract these skilled individuals back to China. In essence, Moore’s bill will not be a punishment for the CCP but a gift for future recruitment.
The decline in Chinese students in the U.S. is already evident, dropping from 372,532 in the 2019-2020 academic year to fewer than 280,000 in the 2023-2024 academic year. Furthermore, an increasing number of Chinese scientists educated in the West, who have established their lives in the U.S., are returning to China and fueling its advancements in areas like artificial intelligence. Many cite an unwelcoming environment and the scrutiny surrounding their work as key factors in their decision to leave. If this talent drain continues unabated, it could severely hinder U.S. technological innovation and national security, ultimately compromising our competitive position on the global stage.
It is worth repeating Qian Xuesen’s story. Born in China, he excelled in mathematics and physics, earning a master’s degree from MIT and pursuing a Ph.D. at Caltech under the renowned Professor Theodore von Karman. During World War II, Qian contributed to the Manhattan Project, aiding in the development of the first atomic bomb. He later helped found Caltech’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory.
After the Communist Party took control of China in 1949, Qian didn’t want to return to China, so he applied for U.S. citizenship. Unfortunately, due to Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s anti-communist campaign, he lost his security clearance and was denied citizenship without evidence of communist ties. The U.S. government, fearing he might share his knowledge of nuclear weapons with China, placed him under five years of house arrest before deporting him to China in 1955 as part of a prisoner exchange.
Back in China, Qian became a key figure in developing ballistic missiles and other technology in the 1960s, significantly advancing the country’s military capabilities and earning the title of “father of Chinese rocketry.” Former U.S. Navy Secretary Dan Kimball later criticized the decision to detain and deport Qian, calling it “the stupidest thing this country ever did.”
Qian Xuesen’s story is a cautionary tale about how policies based on irrational fear can lead to serious repercussions for national security.
Instead of implementing a blanket visa ban on all Chinese students, American universities and the U.S. government should strengthen their collaboration and enhance the screening processes for student visa applicants, reducing the chances of individuals with suspicious backgrounds entering the country.
For those Chinese students already in America, the U.S. government should revoke visas and deport those who were proven guilty of criminal activities including espionage, while avoiding demonizing an entire population. By addressing the espionage issue on a case-by-case basis, we not only protect our national interests but also demonstrate to Chinese students that an open, free society governed by the rule of law is a vastly superior environment for their talents and ambitions compared to an authoritarian regime.
Moore’s recent bill is overreaching and counterproductive. As a patriotic American and someone who once held a student visa, I urge Republican lawmakers to be thoughtful about the legislation they introduce. It takes all kinds of talents to make America great again.
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