As the war in Ukraine grinds through its third year, President Donald Trump faces the sobering task of balancing America’s global leadership with the realities of overstretched commitments. The conflict, sparked by Vladimir Putin’s 2022 invasion, has reshaped geopolitics across Europe, the Middle East, and Asia. But under President Trump’s renewed leadership, the U.S. must now recalibrate its approach: wholeheartedly support Ukraine’s right to defend itself but shift the burden of long-term responsibility squarely onto Europe—where it belongs.
There is little doubt that this war might never have begun had President Trump remained in office through 2022. Putin saw President Joe Biden’s haphazard withdrawal from Afghanistan as a signal of weakness. That perception—along with years of mixed messages from NATO and the European Union—emboldened the Russian president to launch a full-scale assault on Ukraine, believing the West would fracture and fold.
Putin had every reason to believe that. After all, the West’s response to his earlier aggressions—in Georgia in 2008 and Crimea in 2014—was tepid at best. Sanctions were mild, military support was limited, and international resolve appeared hollow. These failures sent a dangerous message: that the use of force could succeed without serious consequences. That cycle of appeasement must end.
To Putin’s surprise, Ukraine, backed by U.S. arms and European aid, fought back with unexpected tenacity. Yet the longer this war continues, the more apparent it becomes that Europe must take the lead in resolving it. America has done its part—militarily, financially, and diplomatically. But this is Europe’s war to finish.
Recent events underscore the stakes. In late May 2025, Russia launched its largest aerial assault in months, striking Ukraine’s Kharkiv region with swarms of drones that injured civilians and damaged critical infrastructure. The Ukrainian military responded with a flurry of drone counterstrikes, reporting that it hit over 89,000 Russian targets in May alone. As the fighting intensifies, Russia has proposed a second round of peace talks in Istanbul. But Ukraine is cautious, demanding a formal proposal from Moscow before committing to negotiations. Meanwhile, President Trump has set a two-week deadline for Putin to prove he is serious about ending the war.
At the same time, troubling developments are unfolding on the international front. Intelligence reports confirm that North Korea has flooded Russia with artillery and ballistic missiles in violation of UN sanctions. These weapons are now being used against Ukrainian forces. This should alarm all democratic nations. It is yet another sign that authoritarian regimes are cooperating to undermine Western influence.
President Trump has rightly affirmed America’s support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, he has insisted that NATO partners pay their fair share and stop relying on U.S. taxpayers to underwrite European security. That principle should now guide Washington’s policy in Ukraine. America can remain a critical supporter—but not the primary driver—of the war effort.
Russia’s aggression is unacceptable. If allowed to stand, it would encourage further expansionism, not only in Eastern Europe but potentially in Asia, where China eyes Taiwan. Still, American interests in Ukraine are finite. They include preserving NATO’s credibility, deterring further authoritarian land grabs, and preventing the collapse of a European partner. Achieving those goals does not require an open-ended U.S. commitment of troops, resources, or attention. That said, emerging agreements such as the new U.S.–Ukraine minerals partnership gives the United States an added strategic and economic interest in the conflict’s outcome, especially as it looks ahead to Ukraine’s long-term stability and reconstruction.
Every dollar spent in Europe reduces the funds available to address the long-term challenge of China. While Putin is a disruptive threat, Xi Jinping’s China is an existential threat—economically, militarily, and ideologically. As China increases pressure on Taiwan and expands its influence across the Indo-Pacific, America must reorient its posture accordingly. It is critical to maintain a balanced focus between Europe and Asia.
So, what should the U.S. do now?
First, we must increase pressure on Russia through tighter, targeted economic sanctions. President Trump has already moved to freeze remaining Russian sovereign assets and enforce stricter penalties on companies aiding Moscow’s oil exports. These moves are essential. Closing energy profit avenues and sanctions loopholes would increase pressure on the Kremlin and reduce its capacity to sustain the war.
Second, the U.S. should continue providing Ukraine with the weapons it needs to defend itself—but with strict conditions. Long-range systems, air defenses, and logistical support remain vital, but they should no longer be provided free of charge as they were under the Biden administration. Ukraine must begin paying for these systems, even if under deferred or structured terms. American taxpayers should not indefinitely subsidize another nation’s defense. Encouragingly, Ukraine recently agreed to a minerals partnership with the United States as part of a forward-looking economic recovery plan. The deal is structured to support Ukraine’s reconstruction by allocating revenues from mineral and energy projects to a joint investment fund—without requiring repayment of past U.S. military aid. This constructive step reflects greater accountability and shared burden.
Additionally, U.S. support must be contingent on Europe taking over frontline responsibilities. Germany has already pledged to boost support, and others must follow suit.
Third, the Trump administration must reinvigorate diplomatic efforts to bring Putin to the table. That does not mean appeasement. It means collaborating with neutral intermediaries—Türkiye, India, or the Vatican—to open viable channels for negotiation. A peace deal must respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and not reward aggression. But it must also reflect the reality that endless war benefits no one—least of all the Ukrainian people.
Fourth, the US must maintain strategic focus on Asia. That includes strengthening alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India; reinforcing military readiness in the Pacific; and ensuring Taiwan has the capacity to deter Chinese aggression. A distracted America is a vulnerable America. President Trump is right to demand a shift in focus to where the long-term threat truly lies.
Finally, the administration must plan for a postwar Ukraine that is sovereign, secure, and self-sufficient. That includes leading reconstruction discussions, pressing for war crimes accountability, and encouraging European integration—without promising unlimited US security guarantees.
President Trump understands what many in the foreign policy establishment do not: America’s strength is not infinite. We must support our allies—but we must also prioritize. Resolving the Ukraine conflict requires determination, realism, and leadership focused on American interests. That means helping Ukraine defend itself, without writing blank checks; confronting Russia’s aggression, without ignoring China’s growing threat; and ensuring Europe steps up to secure its own neighborhood.
Support Ukraine. Deter Russia. Face China. Let Europe lead.
Mr. Maginnis is a retired US Army officer and the author of twelve books, the latest is Preparing for World War III: A Global Conflict That Redefines Tomorrow.
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